Introduction: Art Under Attack
At the 2017 Golden Globe Awards, Meryl Streep took to the stage to accept the Lifetime Achievement Award. In her viral speech, she declared to an applauding audience that without “outsiders and foreigners”, there is nothing left but “football and mixed martial arts, which are not the arts.” (Lang, 2017)
Streep’s ignorant comments on “outsiders and foreigners” are hardly worth arguing against. One only has to look so far as the current UFC rankings (UFC, n.d.) to see the international spread of Mixed Martial Arts (MMA). Likewise, as will be discussed later with regards to martial arts as a place for the displaced, MMA is filled to the brim with outsiders from artists to the abused. As somewhat of a niche sport, despite its rapid growth, MMA has absolutely found itself attracting those that exist somewhat outside of the mainstream, not picked up by the more streamlined sports.
Despite this, MMA has certainly garnered a reputation as a neo-hub of right-wing extremism and bigotry. Sport on a wider basis is notable as a place for right-wing ideals from bold, flashy displays of patriotism of American football to grassroots hooliganism present in European ‘soccer’. Even so, MMA appears to be favoured as the new sporting hub of the right. MMA’s largest promotion, the UFC, is headed by a president in Dana White who has endorsed Donald Trump twice at the Republican National Convention (Leonard, 2022), the two being friends for many years. When looking at the fighters, there is no end to the number of fighters endorsing right-wing candidates in politics whether from the United States or internationally.
This piece, then, is an examination into MMA’s right-wing culture, aiming to trace the threads of right-wing philosophy to their roots within MMA. It seeks to do so through the in-depth examination of three key elements. The first of these is that of traditional sporting culture and the mindset of elite athletes. Touching first upon the presence of the right-wing within other sports in order to examine its unique prevalence within MMA, this piece will continue on to look at the presence of the mindset of extreme ownership as best vocalised and presented by UFC athlete Michael Chandler (although very much present in other MMA fighters).
The second segment of the literature review aims to explore the presence and weaponisation of right-wing nationalism within MMA. As a sport containing fighters from a truly international spread, it’s unsurprising that nationalism and the conflict birthed from nationalism rears its head often. Within this expression of nationalism, this piece aims to discuss the weaponisation of national fans alongside heritage denial when fighters may consider themselves part of more than one nation.
The third section of the literature review aims to explore masculinity within MMA and how it falls in line with right-wing ideals. Within this section, the changing, modernising nature of masculinity will be explored in contrast with the firm, traditional views upheld within martial arts culture, views which also fall in line with much of the right’s desire to preserve traditional views of masculinity. From there, the research aims to cover the presence that this reinforced masculinity has within MMA and the implications for those within the sport. This will include implications for fighters and those otherwise involved in MMA who present their masculinity differently to the strict view upheld within MMA, particularly male fighters within the LGBT community. Also, within this section, I aim to examine the marrying of combat sports, with a focus on MMA, to Andrew Tate and strongmen. Tate, as an important figure to both the political right and to young men internationally, has deliberately tied himself to MMA as a space to promote his brand of traditional so-called toxic masculinity. As a figure so blatantly antagonistic towards liberal ideals in favour of extremist right beliefs and yet as a supposed bastion of masculinity in the eyes of many young men, Tate provides a unique opportunity to understand the marrying of masculinity and right-wing ideals within MMA and combat sports.
Literature Review
Sport and The Athlete Mindset
The right-wing’s place in sports is not entirely unique to MMA, although perhaps more politically ingrained in the culture. Football hooliganism has long been a recruiting ground of far-right activists, with National Front members targeting football grounds and their surrounding pubs to woo drunk, impassioned, or angry fans into redirecting their passion. The English Defence League’s membership consisted of 30-40% football hooligans at one point, providing perfect muscle for their protests. One study using a Brazilian sample found that football fans hold a similar willingness to fight for their football team as their religion or nation. This extreme “pro-group behaviour” goes towards explaining the ease with which fans are radicalised by the far-right, directing this violent passion towards other outside groups such as minorities targeted by said far-right groups (VICE Staff, 2021).
Within sports culture more generally it’s hard to miss the crossover with right wing ideals. Take, for example, the ‘pull yourself up by the bootstraps’ philosophy that is so ingrained in the American right’s culture. Whilst the belief that hard work and tenacity breeds results may be heavily disputed within the socioeconomic discourse in the world today, it is one almost necessary to the sporting world. An athlete must believe that their success is down to their own ability to grind through the challenges that life throws at them so that they have absolute, at times even delusional, belief in their own ability. If an athlete was to acknowledge that they may have certain inherent physical or monetary advantages, it detracts from their own self-belief that they are exceptional in their skillset and mindset.
Former Columbia University athlete Lorenzo Bradford makes a comparison to right-wing pundit and self-help guru Jordan Peterson in his core philosophy, that of “stand up straight with your shoulders back” (Bradford, 2020). Peterson expands on this philosophy as one of extreme accountability “it means willingly undertaking the sacrifices necessary to generate a productive and meaningful reality.” (Peterson, 2018). This philosophy shares a great deal of similarity with the “bootstraps” ideals of athleticism. An athlete must, after all, accept total ownership of their failings so that they are able to improve upon their mistakes. Bradford speaks to the prevalence of this mentality in American football, citing an array of different books in the field titled “No Excuses” (Bradford, 2020). The idea of owning one’s own mistakes and success is present at the core.
A sport so unpredictable as MMA is full of superior fighters, superior athletes and superior minds suffering a loss due not to their own inability but minor choices that line up perfectly with their opponents’. It would be immensely easy for fighters to push on throughout their careers believing themselves to be unlucky in all of their losses, and many do.
The path of tragically one-note fighters refusing to adapt is well trodden. However, to be elite, a fighter often must embrace this Petersonian philosophy of absolute accountability for their losses. YouTuber MixedMollyWhoppery discusses the idea of “Extreme Ownership” in relation to UFC title contender and former Bellator Lightweight Champion Michael Chandler. Chandler suffered a streak of three losses during his Bellator career, losing his title in the process and found himself in a hole, a “jail cell of self-pity” as he describes it (MixedMollyWhoppery, 2021). Chandler discusses the temptations of taking refuge in this mentality, of blaming one’s failures on outside factors rather than one’s personal shortcomings. However, Chandler’s belief, and certainly the belief of most elite athletes, is that ultimately owning these shortcomings is the way to success. If one allows themselves to take extreme ownership of their failures, they can also take such extreme ownership of their successes.
It’s little wonder, then, that much of MMA and sport more widely holds this philosophy outside of competition, not simply within it. Those fighting in the UFC are the top of the talent pool and believe, deeply, that their success is self-orchestrated. They are in control of their fate, not any myriad of outside factors that may have come into play during their career. Many fighters will apply this philosophy to their life outside of the sport, treating the idea of economic support or recognition of societal inequality with disdain. If a fighter managed to find success in their life through an unwillingness to accept any societal barriers, then so should the rest of the world. In the words of Chandler when referring to succeeding in America “If I can do it, anyone can do it.” (Breakaway, 2021).
This quote comes directly from Chandler’s appearance on The Breakaway Podcast. The Breakaway Podcast is a show run by Turning Point USA, a “Conservative youth group” as described by The Guardian (Stone, 2021). Despite not openly engaging in political controversy often, Chandler’s Twitter has been a window into his political beliefs. For example, Chandler openly supported the theory of 2020 US Presidential election fraud being perpetuated by Donald Trump, tweeting “Is Joe Biden really just taking the mic to talk about how ‘patient’ we have to be and how ‘long’ we are going to have to wait AKA we are going to contest these results…hard #wakeupsheeple” (Zidan, 2021). In addition to this, Chandler went on an Amazon advert-inspired rant on Twitter during UFC Fight Night: Vera vs Sandhagen. The advert in question centres around a girl learning to deal with having facial hair, taking inspiration from Freddie Mercury, ordering clothes from Amazon and embracing her hair, making it work for her (Houston, 2023). Chandler took issue with the commercial’s “gender bending, confusing” nature, dancing around yet not fully committing to taking issues with trans visibility (@MikeChandlerMMA, 2023). Chandler does touch upon these issues directly whilst still leaving room for interpretation, stating that “Men are men and women are women. That’s it.” (@MikeChandlerMMA, Twitter, 2023).
Trans issues are a major talking point within the so called ‘culture war’ at time of writing, taking flight in the MMA space regarding trans athletes not only competing against those of the opposing sex but quite literally fighting them. The relevance of Chandler’s personal politics to this discussion is not to single out any one athlete but simply to take a fighter that is emblematic of the athletic “extreme ownership” mindset and to showcase that they carry this over into their political life.
Weaponising Nationalism
The right-wing influence in sport is also baked directly into the nationalistic elements at play. One only must look at The Super Bowl in the US, adorned with flexes of military strength as jets fly above and the national anthem blares (Murphy, 2023), sung by pop stars as representations of American excellence. This is without mentioning the displays of nationalism when sport is played internationally, too. As nations are pitted against one another in displays of their nation’s best, so too, implicitly, are the cultures. Which ways of life can produce the greatest athletes? Which nations can win against the others, if not at war, then at sport?
The ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine has taken centre stage as a perfect example as sport as a substitute for war. The Ukrainian government has, as of April 12th 2023, banned its own athletes from competing in any sporting events containing athletes from Russia and Belarus (Melkozerova, 2023). In a transparent bid pressuring sporting organisations to openly condemn and ban Russian athletes, Ukraine is directly evoking sport as a player in their war. Likewise, the UEFA has opted to ban all Russian football teams from competing in their competitions (UEFA, 2022). Russia, as an invading power, cannot be seen to triumph over Ukraine on the world stage. Sport is clearly being used as a nationalistic tool in this instance.
When looking to MMA, nationalism and sport are perhaps even more closely tied. As an incredibly multicultural sport, international tensions spill over into the sport ad infinitum. For former UFC Interim Champion Colby Covington, playing on international tension is part of his gimmick. After beating Brazilian national treasure Demian Maia in Sao Paulo, Covington took to the microphone to declare that “Brazil, you’re a dump! All you filthy animals suck!” (UFC-Ultimate Fighting Championship, 2017). From this moment onwards, Covington would don the persona of an All-American Trumpian hero, making a point to style himself as an American out to represent the USA against his competition.
When facing Kamaru Usman, the Nigerian American Welterweight Champion (at the time), Colby would do his best to downplay both aspects of Usman’s heritage. In an interview with MMA Fighting, Covington would take aim at the validity of Usman’s claims to America, stating “How is he more American than me? My family served in the Korean War, in the Vietnam War, my family has shed blood for that flag, for the red, white and blue of America”. Covington would then go on to discredit Usman’s Nigerian heritage, claiming that he was “born in Dallas” and has lived his entire life in the United States (Davies, 2020). In this move, Covington plays upon the nationalism present within sport and MMA to prime himself as the American fighter in this matchup as a true, blue, conservative (and, notably, white) American. Not only this, but Covington leverages Usman’s Nigerian heritage as something that Usman is only cosplaying, attempting to cast doubt amongst any African American or African fans of Usman, questioning his legitimacy as a champion from the region.
Heritage denial hardly scratches the surface of the far-right tactics and insults that Covington has utilised over the course of his UFC career. In the aftermath of a TKO via injury over former Welterweight Champion Tyron Woodley, Covington took to the mic to call the Black Lives Matter movement “evil” and its members “domestic terrorists […] lifelong criminals” (MMA Junkie, 2020). The race-baiting from Covington here is clear, colouring a group fighting to “eradicate white supremacy and […] intervene in violence inflicted on Black communities” (Black Lives Matter, n.d.) as criminals, a force for destruction. Covington, at the same press event, went on to speak of his love for then US President Donald Trump and the police force, calling them “the real heroes of America, not these woke athletes, not these spineless cowards like Lebron James” (MMA Junkie, 2020), taking aim at James’ support for the movement (Bilton, 2020).
Covington’s flirting with racism escalated into outright racism later that night when he spoke to then-champion Kamaru Usman, boasting of his phone call with Trump to promote himself once again as the true American, America’s champion, in opposition to the Nigerian Nightmare (Akinola, 2017). Covington asked Usman during this conversation “who’d you get a call from? You get a call from […] your little tribe? They give you some smoke signals?” (MMA Inspired, 2020). This, once again, is Covington weaponising nationalism and denying Usman’s Americanism, contrasting the supposed greatness and civilisation of the US Government with Usman’s African origins.
Covington is, of course, far from the only fighter to jump to defend Donald Trump. Covington’s former friend and now rival Jorge Masvidal would honour the former President in his retirement speech in April of 2023. Masvidal took the opportunity to point to Trump, who was in the crowd seated next to his friend and UFC President Dana White, and call him the “greatest President in the history of the world” before rousing the crowd into chants of “Let’s Go Brandon” (UFC-Ultimate Fighting Championship, 2023), a right-wing stand-in for insulting President, at time of writing, Joe Biden. Masvidal’s support for Trump was longstanding, embarking on a Fighters Against Socialism rally aimed at the Latino community of Florida (Zidan, Fight for the Right: Why So Many MMA Fighters Are Becoming Right-Wing Political Activists, 2022).
Heritage denial as Covington attempted on Usman has also reared its head in the Middleweight division as of late, with South African contender Dricus Du Plessis attempting to deny Middleweight Champion Israel Adesanya’s own claim to Africa. Adesanya is also Nigerian and moved to New Zealand at the age of ten (Stuff, 2018). Du Plessis, as a white South African, argued that the belts held by champions with African heritage (Usman and Adesanya) “Came to America and New Zealand. I’m gonna take a belt to Africa. I’m the African fighting in the UFC. Myself and Cameron [Saaiman], we breathe African air. We wake up in Africa every day” (FanSided MMA, 2023).
Much like Covington, Du Plessis’ deliberate denial of Adesanya’s African heritage is a classic display of nationalism in the sporting world. Du Plessis is clearly proud of his birthplace and takes offence at the idea, rightly or wrongly, that Adesanya can call himself an African champion without living and breathing Africa. In this, Du Plessis aims to promote himself as the true African champion, as someone that Africans living in Africa can be inspired by and support when he potentially faces Adesanya for the title.
Perhaps the most blinding example of nationalism’s presence in MMA is found during the rise of the sport’s biggest figure to date, The Notorious Conor McGregor. McGregor’s entrance into the UFC was heralded by Irish fans as their own entrance into the sport. Where McGregor fought, the Irish flocked to support him (and jeer at his oft-overwhelmed opponents). Former UFC Lightweight Interim Champion Dustin Poirier, who had already fought McGregor previously, found himself blown away at McGregor’s level of support years on from their initial bout, mentioning to ESPN’s Brett Okamoto “I would go for weigh ins in Abu Dhabi and they’re holding the Irish flag and chanting and stuff. I was like my goodness this guy has a country behind him for real.” (Binoy, 2021).
McGregor capitalised upon his immense national support on a media tour with then Featherweight Champion Jose Aldo. This bout was to be massive for the sport, with McGregor’s Irish support, technical ability within the cage and loud mouth propelling him to the stardom and (more importantly) a chance to become champion against the only ever Featherweight Champion who had defended his UFC belt seven times prior. As a result, the UFC embarked upon a media tour taking McGregor and Aldo across the world in a series of press conferences (UFC, 2015). Although much of the mental warfare came from McGregor’s own mouth it’s hard to deny the impact that McGregor’s weaponised Irish supporters must have had upon the respectful Brazilian, a fish out of water in this landscape of chaos McGregor had crafted. During this media tour McGregor declared to a furious Brazilian crowd that “If this was a different time, I would invade his [Aldo’s] favela on horseback and kill anyone that was not fit to work” (UFC, 2015). The colonial connotations are clear, McGregor presenting himself as a European conqueror to Aldo’s favela-raised King of Rio. Here McGregor not only understands and evokes the nationalism inherent in MMA but weaponises it against his opponents, with rabid Irish fans following him globally and a willingness to prey upon a colonial history in order to shake the champion.
Masculinity, Homophobia and The Presence of Strongmen
Martial arts gyms often serve as a place for the displaced. Experiences with abuse and bullying are common in practitioners of martial arts even at the highest levels, with many UFC fighters speaking more openly about trauma in recent years. In the case of two-time UFC Featherweight title contender Brian Ortega, his involvement in martial arts came as an escape and a defence against a life under gang oppression, surrounded by the threat and reality of violence in his everyday life (Okamoto, 2020). For current UFC Welterweight Champion Leon Edwards, growing up in both Jamaica and Birmingham found him surrounded by gang violence as a child, losing his father (a gangster himself) as a teenager before harnessing his own issues with violence through martial arts (Griffee, 2022). Former UFC Strawweight Kay Hansen spoke recently about her struggles with sexual assault and rape from her own father, stating that “fighting/training was my escape, and the only form of reality I really had control over” (MMA Junkie Staff, 2023).
These are but three of likely hundreds of similar stories within MMA’s highest organisations. The sport of MMA, and more broadly, martial arts is a place of people who feel the need to defend themselves. Without a supportive structure outside of the gym, many of these young people, emotionally charged and combat ready, are prime targets for right wing activist groups. If a bad faith party can insert themselves into a young martial artist’s life as a father figure or, sometimes, a romantic partner they can then set about imposing a worldview onto their chosen ‘target’.
Outside of deliberate right-wing recruiting, MMA gyms are also often a space complicit with right-wing visions of masculinity. For young men in any community that puts a great deal of emphasis upon fitness, body image is deeply important. In combat sports, where being out of shape hampers not simply your ability to athletically compete but to fight, whether sparring or in competition, a great deal of value is placed upon physicality. A piece for the European Commission on right-wing radicalisation within sports noted that “A strong physique could help a young person achieve recognition amongst peers as a ‘true man’” (Julia Handle, 2021). The authors then go on to make the very real point that in a world of rapidly changing gender roles, where traditional masculinity is being called into question and new definitions of masculinity are rising to the forefront of political conversation, martial art is a space that is firmly rooted in traditional visions of masculinity.
Fighting, at its core, is steeped in history as a masculine activity to engage in both as a substitute for war and as something necessary for the survival of one’s own family. The preservation of classical gender roles and traditional masculinity is, of course, something the right is hard at work fighting for.
The effects of this rigid system of masculinity are hard to ignore as even the most casual viewer of MMA. To decline or pull out of a fight is scarcely seen by fighters and fans alike as a smart decision for their business. In the world of prize fighting any refusal to fight, for any reason, is seen as cowardice and the declining fighter is branded as scared.
This extreme hypermasculinity made itself abundantly clear during the fallout of a prospective fight between former UFC Flyweight Champion Deiveson Figueiredo and Flyweight contender Manel Kape. Only a matter of days after the bout’s initial booking (@BigMarcel25, 2023), Figueiredo confirmed that he had not been medically cleared to fight citing an eye injury sustained in a previous bout. In response to this provable medical failing, Kape took his grievances to Twitter, initially calling Figueiredo “fat, weak and old”, claiming that he “ran from the fight” (@ManelKape, Twitter, 2023). After this, Kape would escalate to outward homophobia, writing the words “Little Faggot” (@ManelKape, 2023) in a tweet clearly aimed at the former champion before doubling down, writing that if Figueiredo were to go to Africa he would “come back pregnant” (@ManelKape, Twitter, 2023) and posting an image of him working in a beauty salon (@ManelKape, Twitter, 2023). The close ties between toxic masculinity, calling on Figueiredo’s supposed cowardice or weakness, and homophobia are apparent. Deviations from traditional masculine traits are hated by those upholding a system of rigid, inflexible masculinity, and any perceived homosexuality is shamed.
With traditional ideas of masculinity harming fighters for taking part in traditionally feminine activities such as haircare, it’s hard to overstate the harm it does to openly queer participants in the MMA community. UFC Flyweight Jeff Molina came face to face with this when he was forcefully outed in a leaked video showing Molina, who had always presented as heterosexual, engaging in oral sex with another man (TMZ, 2023). Finding himself forced to address the video, Molina took to Twitter in a statement where he confirmed his bisexuality. Molina wrote in this statement that he had “suppressed feelings I had throughout high school being on the wrestling team […] and even after making part of the dream happen and getting into the UFC.” A lifetime around this culture that values traditional masculinity to such a degree forced Molina to repress his own sexuality until it was forcefully exposed outside of his control. Molina would also acknowledge the way that “the thought of my buddies, teammates, and ppl I look up to” would change if they knew he was attracted to men and that it would come to dominate his identity within the MMA world, overwriting his athletic ability (@jmolina_125, 2023).
Whilst Molina has received a great deal of support from the MMA media scene and fellow fighters alike, he would also be forced to face the negative consequences of his outing that he had feared when fellow UFC Flyweight Cody Durden took jabs at Molina’s sexuality in his own post-fight media, saying “I was looking for the finish…not the way that Jeffrey Molina would have finished him” (MMA Junkie, 2023). These comments epitomise Molina’s concerns, showcasing how his fellow competitors will now use his sexuality to take aim at him and diminish him as a competitor, now becoming the lone “gay UFC fighter” (@jmolina_125, 2023). Durden has built somewhat of a reputation on his spouting of right-wing talking points, stating in a post-fight interview that he had to send his opponent “back to China where he came from” (Baer, 2021).
It's impossible to write about and discuss masculinity and combat sports in conjunction with one another without mentioning the new favourite plaything of the hardcore right-wing: Andrew Tate. Tate is a former kickboxing world champion amassing a reported record of 76 wins and 9 losses. Following a retirement from combat sports, Tate turned to a controversial online webcam business with his brother Tristan in which they reportedly made their fortune before landing them in a Romanian prison cell for a period. The marrying of violence and sex is impossible to ignore in Tate’s background, a perfect concoction of traditional masculine values as a supposedly elite fighter who was able to surround himself with beautiful, heavily sexualised women and craft a business as a self-described “pimp” (Truth Media, 2023).
Tate styles himself as somewhat of a warrior king (The Fight Site Presents, 2023), a retired fighter with weapons in every room of his Eastern European compound complete with a live feed of cameras around the house, his logo plastered across the walls, a cannon in the garden and his kickboxing world titles encased in glass (BBC, 2023).
It's little wonder that on his self-orchestrated rise to fame he found himself rubbing shoulders with many in the MMA world, particularly highly ranked UFC fighters who might value the same things that Tate promotes, namely traditional masculine values and becoming independently wealthy. UFC Bantamweight Champion Aljamain Sterling met up with Tate at a yacht party before taking to Twitter to defend Tate’s stance that women must take some “responsibility” for rape if they have put themselves in unsafe situations (Harkness, 2022). Light Heavyweight Champion Jamahal Hill, Welterweight Champion Leon Edwards and Middleweight Champion Israel Adesanya have also all given props to Tate in their own right, from reaction videos backing up his views on women (Nambiar, 2023), to his views on masculinity (Corby, 2023), to simply a photo with the influencer (@ZidanSports, 2022).
It is apparent that Tate views MMA as in line with his views of what masculinity should be, surrounding himself with figures from the sport. This not only asserts a clear representation of hypermasculinity to his followers but opens up a market of MMA fans to the kickboxer. As a masculine role model and guru, Tate’s use of UFC fighters to promote himself draws in groups of young men who idolise these fighters, see their endorsements of him and hear his views on masculinity which may fall in line with their own.
Tate’s use of MMA in his marketing of traditional masculinity extends to the depth of his inner circle, the so-called “War Room”, a place in line with Tate’s “traditional values”, idolising the warrior-king aspirations that Tate presents. At one of the War Room meetings, Tate (or “The Commander”) announced to the group that they had been signed up to an MMA bout unknown to them. The fights were to be broadcast “on national television” and the participants would receive no prior basic training: “If you’ve been walking through life too lazy to fucking train, is that your problem or my problem?”. Those who refused to fight were asked to reflect on their decisions and “hold on to” their shame. Those who agreed to fight had passed the test, embraced this hypermasculine ideal that Tate’s War Room holds dear and were lauded as heroes over those who had refused to fight. Those who had passed were gifted, post-fight, with “some chicks, don’t know where they’re from” as Tate put it. This asserts the clear obsession of masculinity only ever deeper; that going to combat and fulfilling the role of the traditional masculine man rewards one with sex and women. For one day, after their MMA fight as a stand in for war, these men were allowed to live as the warrior kings they idolise (BBC, 2023).
Directly parallel to the embracing of Andrew Tate is the presence of other so-called strongmen, a political term used to describe a typically male leader presenting themselves as exceptional, often with a strong military emphasis. Trump’s favour with fighters can be traced partially back to this presentation. In a world of politicians, much of Trump’s marketing is about how he is better, stronger and greater than others with his infection with and subsequent recovery from COVID-19 being a clear example to draw from, boasting “incredibly good genes”, utilising it as a moment to show that he has conquered the pandemic and promote himself ever more as an impressive figure (Mullally, 2020). Brazilian former-President Bolsonaro also finds himself within this model of strongman masculinity and also has a great deal of support from Brazilian fighters. Bolsonaro has had support from seven former UFC champions from the region, including Jose Aldo who even hosted Bolsonaro in his house during Brazil’s far-right riots against the new regime that had seen Bolsonaro ousted (Zidan, UFC fighters close to Bolsonaro find themselves in spotlight after riots, 2023).
There is no strongman more closely tied to the UFC, though, than one Ramzan Kadyrov. Kadyrov is the warlord in charge of Russia’s Chechnya region and one of the most brutal rulers in the modern world, implicated in the torture and assassination of political dissidents (Walker, 2019) alongside purges of Chechnya’s gay population, which Kadyrov denies and goes further to claim that “We [Chechnya] don’t have any gays” (Meaney, 2022). Unlike other strongmen though, Kadyrov has a unique fascination with MMA to bolster his own masculine image. Whilst figures like Trump may attend UFC events as fans when Masvidal or Covington fight, Kadyrov’s ties to the sport run, in some ways, much deeper. For one, Kadyrov owns an MMA promotion in which his teenage sons have competed in seemingly fixed fights, creating a perfectly propagandised image of masculine fighters for his lineage. Not only this, but he has taken to flying out popular MMA fighters such as Chechen fighter Khamzat Chimaev for his sons to allegedly train with. Much of the footage of these training sessions shows his sons or Kadyrov himself beating the fighters, with the UFC star visibly allowing himself to be run over to curry favour with, or appease, the strongman (Lowlight TV, 2022).
Kadyrov’s presence in MMA isn’t limited to fighters from his own nation however, with British fighters Darren Till, Brendan Loughnane and Muhammad Mokaev also training alongside Ali Kadyrov (Zidan, UFC fighters train with Ramzan Kadyrov’s son and entourage in Thailand, 2023). Even outside of training together, Former Champions Kamaru Usman and Henry Cejudo were flown out to Chechnya alongside Former Interim Champion Justin Gaethje to shoot guns at a facility “devoted to training special forces prior to joining the Russian army” (Zidan, Former UFC champs shoot guns in Chechnya at warlord Kadyrov’s invitation, 2022).
Kadyrov’s motives for choosing MMA as a sport to assert his strongman image tie heavily into the traditionally right-wing values of masculinity within MMA. Kadyrov’s own desire to appear as a warrior king, much like Tate and the ideology he sells, brings him inherently close to MMA. However, Kadyrov’s relationship with MMA is not simply one-way; the fighters must embrace him in equal measure. Whilst it is easy to dismiss the support Kadyrov receives from fighters within Chechnya, or even the Caucasus, Kadyrov’s advocation by association from fighters living in America, Brazil or the UK are less easily written off by any fear of repercussions for denying Kadyrov an invitation. UFC Bantamweight Contender Sean O’Malley claims to have received the same invitation as Cejudo, Gaethje and Usman and turned it down (Zidan, Sean O’Malley declined invite to attend birthday party for ‘murderer’ Ramzan Kadyrov’s son, 2022) without public repercussions, so why do other fighters not follow suit? Jack Slack poses an answer when asked about fighters’ tendencies to support strongmen and align themselves with right-wing ideals. In his response, he argues that “If you value masculinity […] you’re going to want to see it everywhere. A man with a hammer sees every problem as a nail” (Slack, 2021). This is to say that a fighter, whose life revolves around fighting, displays of strength and traditional masculinity, may understandably value these aspects in their political life too.
Figures preaching moderation and modernisation may be shunned by fighters and instead they may look to strongmen, particularly those like Kadyrov and to a lesser degree Trump who take a noted interest in the fighter’s way of life.
Methodology
Approaching anything political regarding Mixed Martial Arts was always going to present an array of challenges. For one, MMA’s recent emergence as a sport, with the premier organisation in the UFC only being formed in the mid-1990s (UFC, n.d.) yet alone its even more recent push into the public eye with Conor McGregor’s rise to stardom, means that there is a serious lack of academic writing on the topic. Additionally, fighters, fans and MMA promotions are immensely hostile to any seen to be politicise the sport, discouraging the MMA media from asking hard questions relating to MMA’s right-wing culture without losing the access to the figures that allow their career to continue.
As a result, much of the analysis within this piece are my own inferences and observations as somebody intimately familiar with the sport and the culture, building on the back of reported news and other analysts. In the rare instance that political reporting and analysis is done, it is often by the same few figures, with Karim Zidan in particular being at the forefront and really the only man talking about the presence of Ramzan Kadyrov and the embracing of strongmen with MMA. As a result, this piece was conducted via content analysis.
Much of the literature came in the form of reports from MMA media sites. This could range from fighter interviews or the transcripts of them, to reports on altercations between fighters via Twitter, to background pieces on fighters’ lives. These were not limited to MMA media however, sometimes venturing into more mainstream publications or a fighter’s personal Twitter account when necessary. Alongside this were videos in the form of podcasts, interview recordings or documentaries. When tackling more broad topics academic literature was utilised in order to establish a history of right-wing presence in MMA and provide a doorway through which the analysis would take place.
When selecting the data, the aim was to take directly from the empirical, visible evidence within the sport. This meant quoting fighters as often as possible, using their own words to illustrate a point about MMA’s right-wing culture. Most often a fighter will rarely outwardly admit to being right-wing, with even Michael Chandler who has done events for Turning Point USA, avoiding it. Instead, fighters tend to prefer to keeping their political identities to themselves and resent being questioned upon it, only letting the mask slip in single tweets or interview moments. MMA media often knows better than to question fighters on their political identity, knowing that their access to the fighter will be cut by both the fighter’s management and the promotion they fight under if they’re seen to be stirring the pot. As a result, much of the nationalistic language in particular had to be talked about in terms of the fighter’s purpose in saying it, which was often to rile up their opponent, but had layers beneath relating to heritage denial or weaponising nationalism.
Much of the decision-making regarding which themes to explore in particular was made in the process of research. As someone already engaged in both politics and the world of MMA, I was aware of the right-wing presence within the sport’s culture yet unable to explain it in any way. However, many of the leads were clear. For example, it’s obvious that fighters and much of the community is obsessed with traditional masculinity, a staple of the right which believes that young men are losing their masculinity to a changing world (Charen, 2022). Likewise, any knowledge of Bloody Elbow will keep one updated on the marrying of MMA and strongmen with their reports into Andrew Tate and Ramzan Kadyrov’s relation to MMA.
Nationalism, too, is a theme that presents itself constantly as one within the MMA sphere. In fact, the Dricus Du Plessis heritage denial saga, with him denying Adesanya’s claim to Africa, was one that was reignited during the writing of this and thus made its way into the paper. Masvidal’s retirement, too, happened during the period in which this piece was being written and his causing an entire arena to erupt in chants of “Let’s Go Brandon” was impossible not to include. Much of the research into nationalism, then, simply stemmed from being in-tune with the MMA world and looking at the conflicts that arose through a political lens.
The topic that was an entirely new venture, though, was that of the athlete mentality. This theme was uncovered during research into sports and the right on a more general level, particularly regarding American Football. Lorenzo Bradford’s testimony on the “no excuses approach” (Bradford, 2020) to high level athletics allowed parallels to the MMA world to be drawn and a whole avenue of discussion to open. Already aware of Michael Chandler, who has developed somewhat of a reputation for this mentality, the comparison was natural and the MixedMollyWhoppery video provided a perfect lens through which to approach the topic, with the “no excuses approach” adapted to Chandler’s “extreme ownership” (MixedMollyWhoppery, 2021).
There was some research cut and moved around. For example, a segment on fighter exploitation and fighters’ refusal to acknowledge this was originally planned. Many talents in the UFC and other promotions, even those not at the top of the company with more satisfactory pay, are happily underpaid and undercompensated within the sport. Some of the thought around the sport potentially points to the association between unions and Socialism, something which many fighters are outwardly suspicious and disparaging of. Fighters have yet to have a union of their own fighting for their own rights, many relying on managers who may not have their best interests at heart at times. However, without much else to build on, nowhere for this theme to naturally slot in and a growing resistance to fighter exploitation from fighters, it was eventually abandoned. The segments on Kadyrov and strongmen were, too, almost scrapped due to a difficulty in pinning down Kadyrov’s ideology as necessarily in line with any traditional political leaning. However, examining his strongman presentation through the lens of right-wing traditional masculinity, Kadyrov’s important presence in MMA remained a part of the research.
As previously touched upon, much of the difficulty in researching this piece arose from the limitations upon academic work within the MMA sphere, particularly relating to the political affiliation of the sport. The existing academic research was also often about extremism, a concept upon which it was important to touch but was not the focal point of the research, as most mainstream fighters are not extremists yet right-wing views and ideology still very much exists in the forefront of the sport’s overt politics. Thus, the biggest challenges in this research were related to finding sources from which to draw from and explore academic ideas surrounding MMA and the right.
Data Analysis
The purpose in this research piece is to find some rationale behind the pervasive presence of right-wing ideology in Mixed Martial Arts. As somebody involved in the MMA world, this has been nagging at me for quite some time, coming face to face with conservative talking points relating to masculinity, nationalism, fighter pay and leadership on, at times, an hourly basis. It is abundantly clear through spending any time around MMA the depths to which the right-wing is involved in MMA yet in spite of this, I was unsure as to where this actually came from and decided to centre my research around this, as a way to learn myself and perhaps provide more insight into the topic for others. The data collection hinged on content analysis without much academic literature on the subject to base my own research on elsewise. It is important to note that when referring to the right-wing, I am referring to the Cambridge Dictionary definition of the term, specifically the part citing “supporting […] traditional views about society” (Cambridge Dictionary, n.d.) when referring to masculinity. Regarding athlete mentality, the relevant explanation in the literature review regarding Lorenzo Bradford’s analysis of Jordan Peterson is important in justifying that this mentality falls in line with current right-wing thought. Finally, it is assumed that the notion of nationalism as used in this piece is understood to be right-wing.
The Athlete Mindset: Analysis
The data in this portion centres around the work of Lorenzo Bradford for Current Affairs. In particular, Bradford noted athletes within American Football having a “no excuses” mentality (Bradford, 2020). This is to say that any athletic mistake is the athlete’s own fault, as is any athletic success. If one loses a game, this is their fault in the mind of the athlete and coaches. Bradford compares this mentality to the right-wing belief that one’s fate, oft including social mobility, is in one’s own control. As Michael Chandler says when referring to his own success “If I can do it, anyone can do it” (Breakaway, 2021). Whilst this is clearly meant in more inspirational terms (as it is from Jordan Peterson and many other right-wing thinkers) it is also a telling insight into his thoughts on social mobility, that anybody can achieve the same success as him if they put in the necessary work. This research naturally hinges on the fair assumption that MMA’s culture follows a similar trend, one that is easily explored by analysing Michael Chandler’s career. Chandler’s own athletic downturns have been rectified, as he attests, through an acceptance that his mistakes are his own and desire to address them.
A relevant point is how often MMA fighters are people otherwise unable to succeed. A great many of them are abused, as discussed in the segment on nationalism, and a great many are from socially and economically disadvantaged backgrounds. For them to succeed, more than any athlete of a mainstream and less brutal sport, may ingrain within them a firm belief that they, at the lowest rung of the social ladder, climbed to the top and thus anybody can.
Then, the research touches upon Chandler’s political leanings. Chandler is one of the more openly Conservative figures in the sport, affiliating with Turning Point USA. This is important as it shows a clear crossover from Chandler’s athletic beliefs to his political ones, an athlete embodying this mindset of extreme ownership and transferring it to his political life.
However, I do believe that this research requires more study than given here. It’s hard to point to this as a primary cause for MMA’s right-wing pervasiveness without explaining the lacking (although still largely significant) presence in other sports. Whilst sport is a generally right-wing place and this mentality may imply a rationale for this presence, it does not go far to explain the reason for MMA’s particularly high rate of right wing thought.
As somebody that practices MMA in my personal life and practices fight analysis, my own views on this matter also came into play. When I’m sparring my training partners, my mentality is akin to the mentality of Bradford’s athletes. This is not intended to come across as egotistical; I have a fraction of the skill and toughness that Chandler or even the lowest ranked UFC fighters possess. Instead, my point is more that when engaged in MMA training, I will place every success as something I have picked up upon and executed. My failures, much the same, are mine. When engaging in fight analysis, the same is true. A jab lands for a reason, a submission is executed due to a series of errors on one fighter’s behalf and a series of reads and successes on another’s. It troubled me, then, that I do not feel this in my political life.
Without entirely exposing my personal political leanings, the athlete mentality as experienced by Chandler in politics does not apply to me, or indeed many of the people I know within the MMA space. This then raises issues with the depths of the research done into the athlete mentality and the impacts it has on MMA. I do believe that the theory has merit still, with sport’s overall right-wing culture perhaps being influenced by the mentality of elite athletes, but without further research it would be careless to assign this as an explanation for MMA’s right-wing culture.
Weaponising Nationalism: Analysis
This segment’s data relates mainly to analysis of fighters’ own words. Initially, however, it was important to mention nationalism within other sport as a window through which to examine MMA’s own nationalism. In this, participation in international sporting events as political leverage or sanction was discussed. This presented the idea that international sport more than just promoting the individual athlete is a showcase for the entire nation. I then transition to the nationalism present in MMA, first touching upon UFC Fighter Colby Covington’s infamous speech in which he, as a white American, called Brazil a “dump” and Brazilians “filthy animals” (UFC-Ultimate Fighting Championship, 2017). This was somewhat of a crowning moment for Covington, shedding a somewhat vanilla personality in favour of a nationalistic, proud and openly racist American hero.
Covington then serves as a vehicle in which to discuss the concept of heritage denial. Research failed to yield any previous use of the term, but in this piece, it is meant to refer to the deliberate denial of somebody’s heritage through calling them, for example “not a real (insert nationality)”. Covington utilises this tactic against African American Kamaru Usman, first denying his American heritage to present himself as a true American fighter in the eyes of the fanbase. The racial and anti-immigrant implications from Covington here are obvious, declaring that a black immigrant isn’t American because his family haven’t “shed blood for that flag” (Davies, 2020).
Covington then goes on to deny the other part of Usman’s heritage, his claim to Africa, by arguing that Usman has spent his life in America and can’t seriously brand himself as African. The immediately apparent logical issues here are unimportant to Covington, as his purpose is solely to stir discord amongst any potential African fans and rile Usman up into a response. Dricus Du Plessis also utilised heritage denial against Usman as well as Middleweight champion Israel Adesanya. Du Plessis, as a white South African living in Africa, denied both of their claims to be African champions as their belts “came to America and New Zealand” (FanSided MMA, 2023) as the places of residence of the champions. Du Plessis, like Covington, is aiming to present himself to African fans a man unashamed of his heritage and fighting out of Africa unlike the previous African champions, who left the continent.
The research then touches upon some instances of Covington weaponising nationalism outside of heritage denial, boasting his own connection to former US President and noted strongman Donald Trump, equivocating the support of Trump for an American to “smoke signals” (MMA Inspired, 2020) for the Nigerian Usman. I then discuss the presence of a noted nationalist in Trump having wider support amongst MMA fighters, particularly Jorge Masvidal who used his retirement to honour Trump. Finally, I touch upon the meteoric rise of Conor McGregor and his weaponisation of his Irish fanbase in tearing down Jose Aldo. McGregor also utilised similar tactics to Covington although less overtly racist in nature, comparing himself to a European invader to Brazil, coming to take the riches and conquer the nation on the world stage.
I do believe this analysis to be valuable. Understanding first that MMA is an international sport and that subsequently much of the conversation between athletes will result in conflict relating to these international differences is important. If we accept that international MMA is inherently nationalistic in nature, representing one’s country on a world stage in a fight (perhaps as close to a war as one could get without the introduction of weapons), it is understandable that tensions between athletes could also become internationally motivated. Heritage denial is also, I believe, a valuable lens through which to look at some conflicts between athletes from the same area of the world where international conflict may be less prevalent.
When fighters from the same nation have to fight, it can be understood why they may jostle with one another for their nation’s support, and one way in which they may do that could be to play to the nationalism and national pride in order to deny their opponent’s claim to the nation.
Masculinity, Homophobia and the Presence of Strongmen: Analysis
This analysis hinges on a point raised by Julia Handle and Sophie Scheuble regarding masculinity within martial arts spaces. They argue that in a world with rapidly changing and updating definitions of what it is to be a man, the traditional views of masculinity espoused by martial arts gyms could provide men some comfort in their gender identity. If they’re allowed to practice their masculinity in a way that conforms to the traditional right-wing view, it may affirm to them that they are masculine and valid within their own gender. These traditional views hinge around physical fitness and visual presentations of such alongside the integral idea that men must be strong both mentally and physically.
I then discuss how the reality of trash talk in MMA is affected by this, with UFC Flyweights Deiveson Figueiredo and Manel Kape’s interactions used as an example of how pulling out of a fight can be seen as cowardice. This is but one notable example within the world of MMA which constantly provides examples of hostility towards any notion of supposed weakness or cowardice. To pull out of a fight is treated with the same shame as to surrender in a war, aligning itself with this version of masculinity espoused by the right that any perceived weakness is shameful.
Kape’s use of homophobic slurs and accusations against Figueiredo allowed me to examine the depths to which this shame is seen to go, invalidating one’s masculinity to such an extent that one’s own sexuality (true or not) is diminished as something seen, in a world that values traditional masculinity, as something other and wrong. These homophobic accusations provide an excellent light in which to examine the treatment of actually LGBT figures within the sport, of which there have been so few openly in the male side. Whilst many of the sport’s female fighters are lesbian, this is not treated with nearly the same hostility as a gay man due to the implications about one’s masculinity as a gay man.
This is not to say that lesbian fighters are in any way excused homophobia within the sport, with fans and opponents still taking aim at Women’s Bantamweight and Featherweight Champion Amanda Nunes lesbianism, with Juliana Pena (who had just defeated Nunes at the time) claiming herself as the “first mom champ” despite Nunes having a daughter (UFC-Ultimate Fighting Championship, 2021). However, regarding men who are sexually attracted to men within the sport of MMA, Jeff Molina is as of writing the only openly LGBT male fighter and his being open was not a choice he made, being outed via revenge porn. In his confirmation that he is bisexual on Twitter, Molina spoke to a need to repress any homosexual urges and feelings due to an intimate knowledge of how he would be perceived by teammates, coaches and fans in a sport with such traditional views on masculinity.
I then focus the traditional masculinity of MMA upon a figure who has taken over the world somewhat in Andrew Tate. Anybody familiar with Tate will be aware of his status as a former kickboxing champion, immediately validating his own masculinity with a high level of combat sports prowess. Tate’s marrying of MMA and masculinity is in line with the right’s own ideals, pushing his elite group of paying followers (The War Room) to compete in an announced MMA bout without any prior training, teaching them that they always be combat ready and willing. I also discussed Tate’s acceptance into the world of MMA by athletes at the top of the sport with multiple champions openly endorsing him in spite of the man’s controversial nature. I also analysed Tate’s styling as a warrior king (The Fight Site Presents, 2023), fulfilling the image as a man rich, sexually dominant and successful with a wealth of combat sports experience and accolades whilst decorating his home with his own name emblazed upon the walls alongside his knives, guns and swords in every room of his compound.
In this, Tate leans heavily into the traditional view of masculinity and thus makes himself intoxicating to teenage boys growing up in a world of uncertain terms regarding masculinity yet so desperate to present themselves as men.
Similar to Andrew Tate and no less involved in MMA are the political strongmen, leaders desperate to, like Tate, present themselves as the ideal masculine figure to their potential electorate and on a wider basis to the world. Whilst Donald Trump fits this as a democratic ruler, taking an interest in MMA and endorsing certain fighters, his own use of MMA in this presentation doesn’t come close to that of Ramzan Kadyrov. Kadyrov owns his own MMA promotion and uses it as a vehicle to create a legacy of combat ready fighters in his sons as they compete under his banner in fights with seemingly predetermined results.
When not fixing fights for his children, Kadyrov may be buying endorsement from MMA stars whether in the attending of his events or in private training sessions with Kadyrov and his sons, which are filmed and show the strongman to dominate the professional fighters. Jack Slack presented his own reasoning behind why MMA fighters embrace strongmen, tying it directly to the traditional right-wing masculinity so present in the sport. He argued that if all one knows is fighting, they value the ideals present in fighting in their life outside of it and gravitate towards leaders who also value traditional masculinity and fighting.
I believe the masculinity angle the strongest with which to approach right-wing presence in MMA. As a sport largely dominated by men and directly tied in its activity to something the right believes to be a valuable aspect of masculinity in fighting, MMA’s traditional masculinity presents a wealth of opportunity to analyse further. The homophobia present within MMA will continue to show itself or shift towards acceptance as more male fighters openly come out as part of the LGBT community and thus this aspect of masculinity be given more scope for analysis rather than the single instance in the current UFC roster as of writing. I also believe that there is greater scope for discussion on martial art’s relation to war, comparing the masculinity valued in military combat to those valued within combat sports. Particularly this may be able to be tied to the value the right often places upon military strength.
On Andrew Tate, Kadyrov and strongmen, they provide a unique insight into the types of people who use MMA to market themselves as masculine role models. By analysing how they have chosen to do so it has illuminated what parts of MMA they value in the ability to fight and be ready for combat, presenting as men of competence, composure and above all masculine strength. There is doubtless more to be discussed in this field, with the so-called manosphere rising in popularity and bringing to light ever more people using combat sports to reach an audience of men lacking confidence in their own masculinity as the world adapts its terms.
In Conclusion
The research performed as part of this dissertation paper should, I would hope, prove useful to any who choose to investigate the right-wing’s presence in Mixed Martial Arts in the future, with all themes presenting some value and yet some questions which may be further explored by others interested in doing so. The topic of the similarities between the mindset of elite athletes and that espoused by right-wing thinkers may shed some light on why figures involved in sport tend to be largely right-wing even outside of MMA. It is important to note that this absolutely not a catch-all, as we have discussed how an athlete mindset does not automatically indicate right-wing beliefs. With this nuance applied, the study of athletic mindsets in comparison political beliefs is one I believe worthy of further discussion outside of this piece.
On the note of Nationalism, I believe this to be the most straightforward analysis conducted within this piece, with much of MMA’s presentation of right-wing nationalism being in line with other right-wing nationalistic tropes. However, I do believe there to be merit in the idea of heritage denial as used in sport to curry favour from one base of fans or another. Using right-wing nationalism as a way to market oneself as the best candidate from any one nation, particularly in competition with those from one’s own nation. On traditional masculinity I believe this to be the area most indicative of the reasons for right-wing ideology within MMA and a field that should be continued to be explored. The martial aspects of martial art in relation to masculinity and the right is one that I was unable to explore within this piece yet believe should be explored to glean greater insight into any apparent connections. Likewise, the rise of right-wing masculine influencers in relation to MMA should be continued to be examined for insight into how audiences engage with MMA, masculinity and the new right-wing.
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Written as a final dissertation for a Politics and International Relations Degree at UEA, 2023